THE CONSTRUCTION OF A FORTRESS AT MOSUL IN 1631:
A Case Study of An Important Facet of Ottoman Military Expenditure

Rhoads MURPHEY

The maintenance of secure fortresses in the provinces by the Ottomans and especially in border regions served a two-fold purpose.First, a network of fortresses played an obvious role in defense, but in addition to this it served to insure internal stability and as such a check to brigandry and disorder in areas far removed from the capital or large centers of population in the provinces. During the period 1578-1612 when a series of wars between the Ottomans and the Safevid State in Iran gave rise to bands of deserters, "Celali", disorder in rural areas of Anatolia reached such proportions that for the sake of security, large sectors of the peasant population abandoned their lands and took refuge in the cities. To curb this shift in population tothe cities and maintain order and defensive security in sparsely populated but strategically important border areas, the Ottomanswere obliged to maintain and increase the number of garrison along its borders with Iran.(1)Although the gret social implications which this gradual militarization of Eastern Anatolia during the wars with Iran 1578-1612 and continued during the period 1623-1638 when hostilities were resumed following the capture of Bagdad by the Safevis lie outside the scope of this present paper,an attempt will be made in the concluding remarks to assess the overall impact of the long wars between Iran and Turkey during the first part of the seventeenth century.

In the introduction to his book on the building of the mosque and imaret Suleymaniye, Barkan draws attention to the importance of the construction industry as a branch of economic activity.(2)While expenditures on the construction of the Suleymaniye Mosque reached a level of 53 million akce over a six year period 061-996 H./1554-1559 A.D.(3),expenditures on military archictecture were also at a high level.During the reign of Murad lV,1623-1640 significant efforts were made to fortify the Black Sea and particularly the Bosphorus against Cossack incursions.(4)Due to the limitations of space,these construction and repair projects cannot be fully described in this paper. Since the border with Iran constituted the main region where Ottoman fortress building and repair activities were concentrated during the seventeenth century,l have chosen to document what information could be gathered on the reconstruction of Mosul in 1631, as illustrative of the methods and materials employed in castle construction

Since many fortresses in border regions betweenthe Ottoman and Safevi States changed hands several times during the prolonged wars between the two powers, the building, pulling down, and rebuilding and repair of fortresses in these regions was a constant concern in the late sextenth and early seventeenth centuries. In Turkish sources, passing mention is made of the several Ottoman attempts at rebuilding the fortresses of Revan(5), Sehrizur(6) and Senna(7) after their capture from the Safevis, but both in in terms of the physical scale and the richness of the archival evidence concerning them, these construction projects do not match the example of the reconstruction of Mosul in 1631. Husrev Pasa the commander of the Ottoman army the wars with Iran and Grand Vezir 1037-1041 H./1628-32 A.D., was particularly concerned with the erection of a strong network of fortresses bordering with Iran. It was under his supervision that the repairs at the repairs at Sehrizur and Senna were carried out. The most ambitious of Husrev Pasa's fortress construction projects was unquestionably that at Mosul, since it kept the army as well as a body of over 3,000 construction workers occupied for the better part of a year. For purposes of clarity, the description of this project will be devided into three sections as follows:

BUILDING MATERIALS:

The exact time when work on the rebuilding of Mosul was begun is not agreed upon by the two contemporary historians who were most initmately involved. Topcular Katibi states that work began in Zilkaade 1041/June, 1631 and continued until Rebiul'evvel 1041/October,1631(8), whereas Katib Celebi gives 6 Saban 1040/March 11, 1631(9) as the date of its comencement while pointing out that it was not until Safer 1041/August, 1632(10) that the garrison troops and ammunition stores were finally installed.The majority of the common day-laborers (irgad) recruited for the project arrived in Mosul during the two week period stretching from the end of Safer to the middle of Rebi'ul-evvel 1041/first two weeks of September, 1631, indicating that serious work on fortress began only after that date(11). In either case, the length of the project shows that major repairs were undertaken. We are fortunate in the possession of a Maliye Ahkam Defteri(register for Finance Department orders) covering the six-month period when the army wasencamped in the plain of Koc-Hisar over the winter of 1631-32. In this register, every aspect of campaign preparations and army expenditures are covered in detail. The preparation of building materials for thereconstruction of Mosul is taken up in an order dated 15 Muharrem 1041/ August 14, 1631 adressed to the Defterdar of Diyarbekir(12). In this document details of the methods to be employed in building, the source of supply for necessary building materials, and even the actual dimensions of the four iron gates to be installed in the walls of the castle at Mosul are all provided. According to the documents's information, the gates were to measure 5.5 zira high by 4.5 zira wide (about 4.4 metres high by 3.6 metres wide) and were to prepared by skilled iron mongers in Diyarbekir and transported ready made overland to Mosul. A further noteworthy point in this document is the mantion of the mines at Kigi as being the source from which the iron for the gates was to be provided. Other documents in the same register refer to the production of cannon balls for the ammunition stores at the fortress of Erzurum(13). It is thus clear that the mine was productive at the time. A comment in Top- cular Katib's history however(14), indicates that it was in connection with continuous wars with Iran and need for a local source of iron that this mine had been reactivated after having fallen into disuse. A further indication that the mine was fully active at this time is the fact that a quantity of 40,000 nails ( mismar ) were to be provided from this source for construction project at Mosul alone.(15) From scattered entries in two ruznamce (daily accounts) registers pertaining to the Diyerbekir Treasury,one covering the priod 5 to 1010-9 Rebi 'ul-ahire 1041/May 8-December 10,1632 (16)and the second covering a four month stretching from 14 Rebi-'ul-ahire 1041/December 10, 1631 March, 1632(17) we are partially able to reconstruct the expenditures on building materials connected with the iron doors ordered prepared for the fortress at Mosul. Over this period sums totalling to almost 70,000 akce were allocated from the Diyarbekir Treasury in following categories: 16,000
......... Gurus Akce
1 Expenditures for iron draw bridge ( Cisr ) 319(18)25,520
2 Expenditures for nails and spikes ( Ekseri ) 100(19)8000
3 Expenditures for coal to heatthe forges ( komur ) 36(20)2,880
4 Expenditures for the wages of the steel smiths ( haddad )104(21)8,320
5 Expenditures for steel for the gates ( ahen ) 200(22)
6 Expenditures for iron for the cross-beams ( kusak demir )100(23)8,000
7 Expenditures for two locks for the gates ( kilid ) 10(24)800
....... .... 69,520

Naturally these expenditures reflect only those met by Diyarbekir Treasury. Others still were met directly from the Ordu-i Humayun Treasury and from other sources.

Transport:

Apart from a single entry in the ruznamce of the Diyarbekir Treasury for the day 2 Rebi'ul-ahir 1041/Oct. 29, 1631 where a sum of 120 gurus is allocated for the restal cost of camel to transport two iron doors to Mosul(25) no documentation could be found specifically relating to the question of transportation of the building materials from the areas of production to the building site in Mosul could be found. However, the cost involved in transport should not be overlooked in assesing the magnitude of the financial outlay in building projects. Particularly with heavy items such as the iron beams for the four gates, trasportation overland involved a large expenditure for the rental of animals. As an example, the rental cost of a team of oxen for draging stones over the very short distance between the dock at Eminonuand the site of the Mosque of Suleymaniye in Istanbul varied between 5-8 akce depending on the size of the stone.(26) Over the route from Mardin to Mosul the army pait at the rate of 5 gurus (600 akce ) per camel for the transport of cannon balls for use in the campaign against Bagdad in 1035-36 H./1625-26 A. D.(27) When it is considered that the largest cannon were of a size such that they could be trabsported overland only with the assistance of a team of twenty pairs of oxen, the cost of tranportation of items such as the iron gates for the fortess at Mosul could form a large portion of total expenses in contruction. In view of the large sums of money involved in the procurement and transportation of building materials, the temptation to misuse funds was always great. To prevent corruption and ensure the full provision of the necessary materials for rebuilding of Mosul a special agent(" mubasir") by the name of Sirin-oglu was appointed to supervise the supply. However despite all precautions, irregularities could not be prevented. The historian Hasanbey-zade openly accuses Husrev Pasa of delaying the progress in the building at Mosul in order to increase his own gains from constructs and fees.(28)

II LABOR FORCE

Method of Recruitment:

Service in the construction of fortresseses was an obligatory duty imposed on various districts throughout the empire on the basis of one man per so-many tax-collection hane units. As in the case of other obligatory services or contributions such as the bedel-i nuzul this duty could be commuted to a cash payment as well. In the case of the construction workers recruited for the rebuilding of Mosul, the penalty for not reporting for duty was 40 gurus per man absent.(29)In a document from the Ibn'ul-Emin, Askeri classification in the Basbakanlik Archives in Istanbul a detailed record of the labor force recruited divided by worker categories is provided.(30) In this document we learn that 3,035 workers in three different categories were summoned for services in Mosul as follows:

Parallel information on the recruitment of common laborers (irgad) is provided in the Register for Finance Department Orders for the year 1040 - 41 H./1631-32 referred to above. Following an order adressed to the kadi of Ayntep(31), a list recording the distribution of the irgad service by region and indicating in some cases the date on which orders for their preparation were sent. In main body of the order, the system by which the workers were recruited, registered and sent on the journey to Mosul is clearly spelt out:

  1. Once the workers were collected a register was made of their names which was signed and sealed by the kadi
  2. Each worker was assigned a guarantor (kefil) who was made responsible for paying the 40 gurus penalty in the event that the worker should fail the report for duty and be present at the calling of the role on arrival in Mosul.(32) In a similar document referring to the recruitment of workers for the rebuilding of Revan after its recapture by the Ottomans in 1045/1635, it is made clear that the workers were paid three months salary in advance to meet their expenses while traveling to the building site, the balance of the wages being paid at the end of the job after the true number of working days had been established by the testimony of trustworthy witnesses(ehl-i vukuf).Presumably therefore, the kefil was also resposible for repaying this advance wages should the worker fail the to report for duty. For this reason, both the workers and kefils were carefully chosen. In the order sent to the kaid of Van, instructions were given to be wary of recruiting "e;wayward nomads and good for nothings"e; (haric ve haymane ve na-be-kar) who might likely collect the advance wages and disappear.(33)
  3. On their arrival in Mosul, the workers role was taken and the list comrared with the list sent by the kadis from the region of their provenance. This register was kept by Bekir Pasa, the Beylerbeyi of Mosul, and in it he recorded the number of men reporting for duty, the date of their arrival in Mosul, and the number lacking from whose guarantors the cash equivalent or belediye was to be requisted.

For instance in the case of the province of Gaziantep from whom a supply of one hundred and twenty workers was requested according to the order addressed to its kadi (see above, note 31) the entry in the inspection register reads as follows:

an liva-i Ayntep nefer 120 Minha reft be Mosul fi 8 Rebi'ul-evvel sene 1041, nefer 105. Baki, 15.
WAGES:

Information on the rate and method of payment of construction workers' wages is provided in a document relating to the rebuilding of Revan in 1045 H./ 1635 A.D (see above, note 33).The 600 workers (irgad) required for this project were to be paid one gurus for every ten days work, while 200 skilled stone workers(muhreci ustad)were to be paid at the rate of one gurus for every five days'work.In addition, the authorities in Van to whom the order was addressed were instructed to meet the going market wage-rate,guaranteeing to pay the difference between these base wages and the market rate out of treasury funds(34). Thus,although the workers were recruited as a compulsory service they were paid a competitive wage(35). Although the data for the daily wage of a construction worker during the building of the Suleymaniye Mosque in Istanbul dates from a period 80 years previously before the large devaluations of the akce, the payment of a daily wage of 12 akce(one gurus per 10 days,

  120
----- = 12 ) to the workers at Revan in 1045 H./ 1635 A.D. compares favorably
  10
to the payment of between 5-6 akce per day to workers in Istanbul in 961 H./1554 A.D.(36) In the case of Mosul, we have information that the skilled workers (mimar) from Kayseri were paid as much as much as 70 gurus per-person for their services during one building season.(37) Skilled workers from other regions,complaining of inequity in their pay-scale were granted large bonuses. Two examples of this are:

1)The case of 30 mimar from Ruha and Birecik who were granted a 15 gurus bonus per person on the condition that they complete three more months'work.(38)
2)The case of 55 mimar from Diyarbekir who having received a paymend of 35 gurus in advance complain that although they reported for duty earlier than anyone else they had nevertheless received an inferior wage to artisans from other regions. They too were granted a bonus of 30 gurus per-person again on the condition that they complete another three months work.(39).

Also if one accepts that the payment of 30 gurus to the irgad from Siverek (40) as a base wage for irgad used in the construction of this fortress,this indicates that they were quite well looked after. At the rate of one gurus for each ten working days paid to the construction workers at Revan in 1045 H./1635 A.D. the workers at Mosul, at least those from the township of Siverek were guaranteed the equivalent of a wage for 300 working days for their service during a single building season. Perhaps these generous wages were offered partly in recognition the difficulties of working in the heat of the summer in Iraq, but whatever the reason, it is clear that even in the case of unskilled workers whose service was furthermore compulsory, the conditions had to be made attractive enough to ensure their cooperation. For even the unskilled workers had access to justice if their rights were violated as is shown in the case of the mine workers at Kigi who after complaining of unfair treatment were guaranteed a fair daily wage for their work (rencber hakki) and fair rental payment for the use of their animals in carrying stone from the mine.(41)

III FINANCING OF MILITARY ARCHITECTURE

P>As in the case with the recruitment of labor, where the army turned to local regions to supply the workmen for the rebuilding of Mosul, in the matter of financing as well the purchase of necessa buildi ng materials, transport costs, and payment of the wages of the workers were again met by turning to local sources. A tax called the bedel-i nuzul was assessed province by province during war years, not only as its name implies for the provision of grain and other foodstuffs to the way stationmenzils along the route which the army was to pass, but also for other necessary expenditures to be met by the Chief Commissary Officer emin-i nuzul responsible for all aspects of army logistic. The rate of this tax in the time of the campaings againts Bagdat in the early seventeenth century varied between 20-21 gurus. As is made clear in the document from Ibn'ul Emin clssifacition in the Basbakanlik Archives (see Addenda,Doc#:1 ) this fund was used in party to pay the wages of the skilled workers (mimarand necarran) while then payment of the wages of the unskilled workers(irgadan) were to be met by an extraordinary levy or salgun, again assessed on the basis of the averiz-hane unit.In the word of the defter :

mimar ve necarranlarin ucretleri ve nafakalari icin lazim gelen akce 1041 senesinde vaki 1042 senesi bedel-i nuzul akcelerinden ve hevass malinden mahsub olunup, -ve lagimci irgatlarin ucretleri reaya kendi yanlarindan ihrac edip, miri akce'den verile deyu yazilmamistir.

To show how this distiction between the payment of the wages for skillid workers from state (miri) funds, i.e. the bedel-i nuzul, which wer subject to bargaining as seen above (see note 38 & 8 39 ) and the payment of the wages of unskillied workmen met from extraordinary levis(salgun) and set at a fixed lavel, the following examples were selected :

  1. In an order addressed to the kadi of Kayseri provision is made for the payment from the bedil-i nuzul fund of the following year for the payment of the wages of 60 building artisans (mimar)(42)
  2. On the other hand an examples of how a salgun was assessed for the provision of foodstuff for the Tatar troops wintering in Anatolia awating the commencement of the campaing against Bagdad , as well as for the payment of the wages of the 40 irgat laborers to be supplied for theconstruction work at the Mosul is provided in an order addressed to the Kadi of Siverek (43)

In the first case it is noteworthy that instructions were given the submit any surplus funds directly to the ordu-i humayun hazinesi which oversaw the bedeli-nuzul expenditures during campaign , while, in the second case strong warnings as given to the authories to return any excess funds to their rightful owners(eshab),i.e. to the comminities from whichthe funds were collected.

CONCLUSION:

As as been pointed out in several articles by Muzaffer Erdogan(44), the Baüsbakalik Archives in Istanbul hold a wealth of material on building supplies,and worker's wages for various kinds of contruction projects ,both religious and military.In this short paper I have tried to describe some of the principles of organization and economic significance of projects in military architecture by drawing on the example of the rebuilding of Mosul in 1631. Of course,much work remains to be done particularly on the question of the description,sources,and price building materials used in fortress construction and other questions whose fuller treatment here is precluded by the limitations of time and space. However, before closing I would like to make several general remarks on the economic impact of the wars between the Ottomans and the Safevis in the early seventeenth century.

The fact that the lauching of campaign year after year in the early seventeenth century constituted a major drain on resources both human and material and disrupted agricultural activity in the provinces giving rise to a flight to the cities and other undesirable effects is undeniable. Nor should it be overlooked that a certain portion of the burden of supporting the army camped in the provinces for periods stretching over several years, particulary the burden of suporting special troops like those of the Crimean Han, was met by local contributions. Nevertheless, if one considers the economic stimulus provided locally in supplying the needs of the army in the provinces, not only in the provision of its daily needs such as grain or in the maintenance repair of equipment giving employment to blacksmiths, leather workers and and a multitude of other trades, but also in larger terms by its acting as an employer of labor on a grand scale for the digging of trenches, building of roads and bridges, and the construction of fortresses, the army's economic impact was not inconsiderable. For although a part of the menzil supplies and labor force was met from local contributions, these constituted only a portion of the total need, the balance being paid for on a cash basis, either by the timariot forces who were required to supply their own grain, or from treasury funds for construction projects. The scale of the army's needs and scarcity of critical items in times of war could mean great profits for local merchants who supplied them.As an example of the soar in prices due to scarcity one could take the example of the price of horseshoes. The discrepancy between the official price set down by army authorities of fourteen akce per set of four (giyim)(45) and the price of four gurus per set(46) which soldiers were obliged to pay when the army was in the field far from centers of supply, accrued to the benefit of the enterprising local merchants. Apart from these effects, it is to be noted that it was as a direct result of the demand for cannon ball production and need for iron linked with the wars against the Safevis that the mines at Kigi which had fallen into disuse as no longer profitable were revived. As for the question of the depopulation of Anatolia, the maintenance of large permanent garrisons by ensuring security in the border areas served to encourage urban growth and rural order. These developments provided an incentive to prevent the eqodus of the agriculturalists from their lands and brought an end to the so_called "Great Flight" (Buyuk Kacgun) of the 1590's. Furthermore, the consolidation of large estates (ciftlik) and beginnings of capital intensive farming were further causes of rural depopulation, processes which had no connection with the wars in Iran. Before speaking too blithely of economic decline and depression(47) therefore the economic impact of this new element in provincial society should be considered. The supply and maintenance of large fortresses such as Kars, Van and Mosul with permanent garrisons in excess of one thousand men formed an important part of the local economy and to match their numerical strength they quickly took a prominent place in municipal finance and politics as well. Just how dominant their position was in the case of Mosul for instance is clear. The garrison of three thousand men installed after the completion of repairs in 1632/1042 H. formed a group far outweighing in influence and other local goup.(48) This gradual militarization of Eastern Anatolia and the penetration of the kapu-kulu military class into the far reaches of Anatolia in the role of guardian of the peace, was a process which had begun well before the outbreak of war with the Safevis in the late sixteenth century .(49) However, the military exigencies of the period of war with Iran accelerated the proces, and secured incontrovertibly the dominant social and economic position of the kapu-kulu military class in the provinces. Abaza Mehmet Pasa's rebellion in Erzurum 1623-1628 and his expelling of the Janissary garrison was the last serious attempt to stem the rise of the kapu-kulu. After the failure of Abaza Mehmet's challenge, the kapu-kulu continuned to gain in wealth and influence, and their presence in the provinces gave a characteristic stamp to the course of future economic development.

NOTES

(1)On this Process sea H.Inalcik,"Military and Fiscal Transformation in the Ottoman Empire"Forthcoming in Archivum Ottomanicum; Vol.6.
(2)O.L.Barkan;Suleymaniye Cami ve ImaretiInüsaati,1550-1557,Ankara, 1972 introduction pp.xiii-xiv.
(3)Barkan,opus citus,page 15.Total expenditure of 53,782,980 akcáe.
(4)Evidence of this building activity in the Black Sea are documented in the following sources:
(5)For its rebuilding on several occasions sae;
(6)Mustafa ibn Abdullah,Katib Celebi,Fezleke-i Tevarih,Istanbul 1869-70/1286-97 H.,Vol.2,118-119 discusses the rebuilding of the fortress of Gul-enber in 1039 H./1630 extending for fifty-three days from gurre-i Saban to 23 Ramazan 1039/mid-March to May 5,1630.
(7)According to the account of Evliya Celebi,Seyyahatname,4,pp. 373-74,in 1039/1630 A.D. under the orders of Husrev Pasa the army was occupied for an entire month in constructing a castle of clay bricks,and on its completion a garrison was installed.However,after a very short time the fortress was abandoned after an attack by the Sah's troops,and all of the ammunition and supplies were captured by the Safevis.According to Evliya Celebi, Husrev Pasa was so infunated by the waste of effort and money that he ordered the execution of the one hundred and fiftymen who had abandoned the garrison.
(8)Abdulkadir Efendi,Topcular Katibi,Vekayi-i Tarihiyye,Vienna Ms. fol.
(9)Mustafa ibn Abdullah,Katib Celebi,Fezleke-i Tevarih,Ist.1869-70/ 1286-87,H.2,P.133.
(10)Mustafa ibn Abdullah,Katib Celebi,Fezleke-i Tevarih,Ist.1869-70/ 1286-87,H.2,P.151.
(11)Basbakanlik Arsivi,Ibn'ul Emin,Askeri No.249.For full details of the arrival dates of irgad workers from various provinces see Addendum,Document Number 1.
(12)Basbakanlik Arsivi,Maliye'den Mudevver Defterleri No.8475,p.85.For text see Addendum,Document Number 3.
(13)Basbakanlik Arsivi,Maliye'den Mudevver Defterleri No.8475,p.219.
(14)Abdulkadir Efendi, Topcular Katibi,Vekay-i Tarihiyye,Vienna Ms, fol.397b-398a.
(15)Basbakanlik Arsivi,Maliye'den Mudevver Defterleri No.8475,p. 100. An order dated 19 Muharrem 1041/July 18,1631 addressed to the defterdar of Diyarbekir Suleyman.A further order addressed to Mustafa Pasa,the commander of Erzurum concerning the reactivization of the mines at Kigi to meet the pressing need for cannon ball production for use in the Bagdad campaign is recorded in Maliye'den Mudevver defterleri No.8475,p.154.In this order Mustafa Pasa is instructed to round up the mine workers who had become gradually dispersed during the disturbances during and following the wars with Iran 1578-1603 S.D.,and to resume production in the mines without delay.
(16)Basbakanlik Arsivi,Kamil Kepeci Defterleri No.1928.
(17)Basbakanlik Arsivi, Maliye'den Mudevver Defterleri No.5853.
(18)Basbakalik Arsivi,Kamil Kepeci Defterleri No.1928,pp.79,89,95,116.
(19)Basbakanlik Arsivi,Kamil Kepeci Defterleri No.1928,p.79.
(20)Basbakanlik Arsivi,Kamil Kepeci Defterleri No.1928,p.110.
(21)Basbakanlik Arsivi,Kamil Kepeci Defterleri No.1928,pp.82,110.
(22)Basbakanlik Arsivi,Maliye'den Mudevver Deft.No.5853,pp.27,47.
(23)Basbakanlik Arsivi,Maliye'den Mudevver Deft.No.5853,p.65.
(24)Basbakanlik Arsivi,Maliye'den Mudevver Deft.No.5853,p.23.
(25)Basbakanlik Arsivi,Kamil Kepeci Defterleri No.1928, p.110.
(26)O.L.Barkan,Suleymaniye Cami ve Imareti Insaati,1550-1557,Ankara, 1972,pp.359-60.
(27)Basbakanlik Arsivi, Kamil Kepeci Defterleri No.1927 Mukerrer, p. 51a. An expenditure item entered in the daily accounts register (ruznamce) of the ordu-i humayun Treasury during the Bagdad campaign.
(28)Ahmed Efendi, Hasanbey-zade, Tarih, Topkapi Saray Library, Bagdad Kosku No. 207, fol. 398a. For an excerpt from this text see Addendum, Document Number4.
(29)The rate of the cash-equivalent in place of service or bedel varied sometimes and was subject to negotiation on the basis of special circumstances such as inability to pay due to poverty. The examples listed belows show a fluctuation is the rate for the cash equivalent between 40-130 gurus as follows:
(30)Basbakanlik Arsivi, Ibn'ul-Emin, Askeri No. 249. See Addendum, Document number one. For a comparative look at the numbers and categones of workers employed in other projects in military architecture see; (31)Basbakanlik Arsivi, Maliye'den Mudevver Defterleri No. 8475, pp.44-45. See Addendum, Document number2.
(32)For a passage on how the workers were recruited for the work on the construction of the Nur-i Osmaniye Mosque 1162-69H.\1749-56 A.D., including details of their categories and numbers see Tarih-i Osmani Encumeni Mecmuasi Istanbul 1917-1919\1335-37, H. " Tarih-i Cami-i Serif-i Nur-i Osmaniye " p.38. In addition to the guarantors (kefil) usually assigned, the further measure of assigning the workers to spesial barracks during the period of construction was introduced, a precation designed to prevent their fleeing before the completion of the job.
(33)Basbakanlik Arsivi, Maliye'den Mudevver Defterleri No.3458, p.147. See Addendum Document number 5.
(34)Basbakanlik Arsivi, Maliye'den Mudevver Defterleri No.8475, p 147.
" Soyle kol diyar'da tayin olunan ziyade ucret ile isledikleri vaki ise, tamamen hazine-i amirem'den tekmil olunur, verile gelen ucretlerinden bir akce noksan verilmez. "
(35)Basbakanlik Arsivi, Maliye'den Mudevver Defterleri No.8475, p.43. This order, addressed to the kadi of Ruha regarding the recruitment of 350 irgad laborers for Mosul makes this point clear in the following words:
" Soyle ki, kaza-i mezbur reayasindan bazilari avariz-i divaniye'den muaflariz deyu ferman olan irgadlari vermekten teallul-u behane ederler ise irgadlar ucret iledir tekalif-i orfiyye'den degildir, kataen ol vechiyle sozlere ve teallul-u behaneleri isga eylemeyip..."
(36)O.L.Barkan, Suleymaniye Cami ve Imaret Insaat 1550-1557, Ankara, 1972, p.23.
(37)Basbakanlik Arsivi, Maliye'den Mudevver Defterleri No.8475, p. 121.
(38)Basbakanlik Arsivi, Maliye'den Mudevver Defterleri No.8475, p. 175.
(39)Basbakanlik Arsivi, Maliye'den Mudevver Defterleri No.8475, p. 169.
(40)Basbakanlik Arsivi, Maliye'den Mudevver Defterleri No.8475, p. 174. For full text see Addendum, Document number 8.
(41)Basbakanlik Arsivi, Maliye'den Mudevver Defterleri No.8475, p. 88. See Addendum Document number 6.
(42)Basbakanlik Arsivi, Maliye'den Mudevver Defterleri No.8475, p. 121. See text in Addendum, Document number 7.
(43)Basbakanlik Arsivi, Maliye'den Mudevver Defterleri No.8475, p. 174. Addendum Document number 8.
(44)Muzaffer Erdogan, " Osmanli Mimari Tarihinin Arsiv Kaynaklari ", Tarih Dergisi 3 (1951-52):111-136.
(45)Basbakanlik Arsivi, Maliye'den Mudevver Defterleri No.8475, p. 32, an order addressed to the kadi of Kayseri dated July 15, 1631/14 Zilhicce 1040 H.
(46)A passage from Topcular Katibi (Vienna Ms, fol.439b) describing the activity in establishing a market to meet the army's needs after arriving at Kasr-i Sirin in August 1630/Muharrem 1040 H. gives an indication of the potention profits to be made in the sphere of army supply:

"menzil-i mezbur'de sehrizor Pasasi alaylar ile ordu'ya dahil olur askere imdad -i zahire ve bargirler(eder) ve tuccar esnaf taifesinden Mosul'dan ve Hileh'den Diyarbekir'de birikip ordu'ya baicu sira'ya gelirler ve asker de ziyade esnaflara ihtiyac olup, ordu-i humayun'a bargir ve at nali dort gurus'a ve bir semer muhimmati bes gurus'a idi."
(47)The arguments of several authors(Akdag,Griswold,Cook etc.)who espouse the thesis of rural depopulation and general economic decline in the early seventeenth century are summarized in a paper entitled &quat;Centralization and Decentralization in Ottaman Administration "delivered at the Colluquism on the Muslim World in the Eighteenth Century(forthcoming in volume edited by Nef).The purpose of my concluding remarks is to suggest that an alternative interpretation of this period might be offered based on positing a positive economic impact on rural Anatolia as the aftermath of the long wars with Iran 1578-1638 as result of the focusing of attention on the problems and potentialites of this region which had been comparatively neglected during the sixteenth century when Ottaman energies were primarily engaged in establishing supremacy over Hungry.
(48)An order regulating the ocaklik or maintenance stipend for the fortress of Mosul in 1632/1042 H., Basbakanlik Arsivi, Muhtelif ve Mutenevi Defterleri No.49,p.152,provided that the sum of 10,281,568 akce be set aside cach,year,soley,to pay the wages of the three thousand strong garrison.
(49)For a study of the historical origins of this process see Serafeddin Turan's book on the interregnum period following the death of Suleyman the Magnificent, Kanuninin Oglu Sehzade Beyazid Vakasi, Ankara 1961

ADDENDA

ADDENDA, DOCUMANT NO.1

IBNULEMIN,Askeri No.249

DEFTER-I MIMARAN ve NECCERAN ve IRGADAN ve LAGIMCIYAN BERA-I KALE-I MOSUL IHRAC SUUD.

An cemaat-i mimaran-i eyalet-i merkumin

an eyalet-i Sivas ber mucib-i defter-i kudat ihrac sudd. nefer 100.
Minha duhul be Mosul fi 27 Zilhicce sene 1040 ber mucib-i defter-i Bekir Pasa. nefer 99,murde 1.

an eyalet-i Diyarbekir nefer 100.
Minha duhul-i Mosul fi gurre-i muharrem sene 1041 ber mucib-i defter-i Bekir Pasa ,73,Baki 27

an eyalet-i Rakka nefer 20.
Minha duhul be Mosul fi 12 Zilhicce sene 1040 ber mucib-i defter-i Bekir Pasa,20,temamen.

an canib-i Ayteb ve Kilis ve Azez nefer 30
Minha duhul be Mosul fi 27 Zilhicce sene 1040.30,temamen.

an eyalet-i Haleb nefer 120.
Minha duhul be Mosul fi 12 Zilhicce sene 1040 10. fi gurre-i muharrem 1041 103. 113,baki 5,murde 2.

an liva-i Maras nefer 50.
Minha duhul be Mosul fi 24 muharrem sene 1041,37,baki 12,murde 1.

an liva-i Malatya nefer 15
Minha reftibe Mosul der mucib-i defter-i kuzzat-i Malatya fi gurre-i Safer sene 1041. nefer 12,baki 3.

an liva-i Kayseriye nefer 60
Minha duhul be Mosul fi 11 Safer sene 1041;60 ,temamen.

YEKUN nefer 495

  mevcud der hizmet-i kale-i Mosul     444
  murdegan                               4
  baki                                  47
                                       495

 

Zikr olunan mimarlarin ucretleri bedel-i nuzul malindan mahsub olup, zuhuriyeler gelip mahallinde hifz olunmagin serh verildi.

an cemaat-i lagimciyan

  an canib-i Tokat       20
  an canib-i Sivas       15
  an canib-i Kayseri     20
  an canib-i Gumushane   10
  an canib-i Ergani       5
  an canib-i Arabgir     10
  an canib-i Divrigi     10
  an canib-i Malatya     10
          YEKUN         100

 

Minha reft be Mosul fi evail-i Rebiul'evvel sene 1041,nefer 94, murdegan 3, baki 3.
an cemaat-i irgadan-i kaza-i mezkurin an eyalet-i merkumin

(1)an kaza-i Mardin ve NÅsaybin nefer 500.
Minha duhÅuÅl MosuÅl ba tevarih-i muhtelife bermucib-idefter-i Bekir Pasa,477,baki 20.

(2)an kaza-i Birecik nefer 120.
Minha duhul be Mosul ba tevarih-i muhtelife ber mucib-i defter-i Bekir Pasa,100,baki 20.

(3)an kaza-i Amid nefer 150.
Minha duhul be Mosul ba tevarih-i muhtelife ber mucib-i defter-i Bekir Pasa,129,baki 21.

(4)an kaza-i Ruha nefer 300.
Minha duhul be Mosul ba tevarih-i muhtelife ber mucib-i defter-i Bekir Pasa,251,baki 49.

(5)an kaza-i Beriyye ve Tel-Guran nefer 40.
Minha reft be Mosul fi 8 Rebiul'evvel sene 1041,II,baki 29.

(6)an kaza-i Siverek nefer 40.
Minha duhul be Mosul fi 10 Rebiul'evvel sene 1041 ber mucib-i defter-i Bekir Pasa,37,baki 3.

(7)an kaza-i Cirmik nefer 40.
Minha duhul be Mosul fi 7 Rebiul'evvel sene 1041,50,temamen.

(8)an kaza-i Harput nefer 100.
Minha reft be Mosul fi 4 Rebuil'evvel sene 1041,baki 20.

(9)an kaza-i Egin nefer 100.
Minha duhul be Mosul fi 4 Rebuil'evvel sene 1041,75,baki 25.

(10)an kaza-i Pertek nefer 40.
Minha reft be Mosul fi 8 Rebuil'evvel sene 1041,20,baki 20.

(11)an kaza-i Cemisgezek nefer 20.

(12)an kaza-i Mazgird nefer 40.
Minha reft be Mosul fi 8 Rebuil'evvel sene 1041,30,baki 10.

(13)an kaza- Sagman nefer 40.
Minha reft be Mosul fi 8 Rebuil'evvel sene 1041,18,baki 22.

(14)an kaza-i Cabakcur nefer 20.
Minha duhul be Mosul fi 23 Safer sene 1041,20,temamen.

(15)an kaza-i Palu nefer 100.
Minha duhul be Mosul fi 27 Safer sene 1041,99,temamen,murde 1.

(16)an kaza-i hukumet-i Genc nefer 30.
Zikr olunan irgatlar tayin olunan hizmete varip dahil olmamagin tekrar ihrac eylemeleri veyahut belediye kirkar gurus vereler deyuemr-i serif verilip,badehu otuz gurus'a kat olunup ve akcesin dahil-i hazine olunup,kul meacib'e sarf olunmustur.

(17)an kaza-i Atak nefer 20.
Minha duhul be Mosul fi 21 Rebuil'evvel sene 1041 ber mucib-i defter-i Bekir Pasa,20,temamen.

(18)an kaza-i Tercil nefer 20.
Minha duhul be Mosul fi 11 Rebuil'evvel sene 1041,20,temamen.

(19)an kaza-i Girdegan nefer 80.

(20)an kaza-i Hins Keyf nefer 100.
Minha duhul be Mosul ba tevarih-i muhtelife,100,temamen.

(21)an kaza-i Siirt nefer 30.

(22)an hukumet-i Hazo nefer 250.
Zikr olunan irgatlar tayin olunan hizmete varip dahilolmamagin, tekrar ihrac veyahut belediye kirkar gurus vereler deyu emr-i serif verilip,badehu,fukerayiz deyu gelip tazlim eylediklerin 3,000 gurus'a kat,2,500 gurus teslim-i hazine eylemislerdir. 000

(23).................. nefer 108.

(24) an kaza-i Mihrani nefer 10
Minha reft be Mosul fi 11 Rebiul'evvel sene 1041, 10, temamen

(25) an kaza-i Savur nefer 20
Minha duhul be Mosul ba tevarih-i muhtelife, 20, temamen

(26) an kaza-i Ergani nefer 40
Minha duhul be Mosul****

(27) an kaza-i Hani nefer 20
Minha duhul be Mosul fi 27 Safer sene 1041, 20, temamen

(28) an kaza-i Isti nefer 70
Minha reft be Mosul fi ber mucib-i defter-i Bekir Pasa, 70, temamen

(29) an kaza-i**** nefer 70

(30) an kaza-i Akca Kale nefer 60
Minha duhul be Mosul fi evail-i Zilhecce sene 1041, 60, temamen

(31) an kaza-i Kulliyet nefer 15
Minha reft be Mosul fi 13 Rebiul'evvel sene 1041, 13, baki 2

(32) an hukumet-i Cizre nefer 120
Minha duhul be Mosul*****

(33) an hukumet-i Suhran nefer 100
Minha duhul be Mosul be defaat, 100, termamen

(34) an hukumet-i Uskudar nefer 17
Minha duhul be Mosul fi 9 Rebiul'evvel sene 1041, 17 temamen

(35) an kaza-i Azez ve Kilis nefer 300
Minha duhul be Mosul ba tevarih-i muhtelife, 160, baki 140

(36) an liva-i Malatya nefer 100
Minha duhul be Mosul 49, baki 51

(37) an liva-i Aynteb nefer 120
Minha reft be Mosul fi 7 Rebiul'evvel sene 1041, 105, baki 15

(38) an liva-i Miyafarkin tabi-i Diyarbekir nefer 12

                YEKUN MINUL-ECANIB           nefer  3372
                Minha duhul ma reft be Mosul nefer  2537
                                          el-Baki   835
                

Baki-i mezbur ayni ihrac, veyahud belediyeleri icin kirkar gurus vereler deyu emr-i serif verilmisken, ahval boyle vaki olmagla, min had ne irgadlar ve ne akce tahsil olunmagin serh verildi.

                Cemaen al hazirin be Mosul nefer  3072
                                    an mimaran     441
                                    an lagimciyan  94
                                    an irgadan     2537
                                                   3072
                

Bala'da mestur olan mimar ve naccarlarin ucretleri ve nafakalari icin lazim gelen akce, 1041 senesinden vaki 1042 senesi bedel-i nuzul akcelerinden ve hevass malindan mahsub olunup, emirleri zuhurunde huccet oluna deyu emr-i seriflerde serh verilip, ve lagimci ve irgadlarin ucretlerin reaya kendi yanlarindan ihrac edip, miri akce'den verile deyu emr-i serifelerde yazilmamistir.

NOTE: Parts of this document have been obliterated due to tears in the paper. These illegible passages and figures are indicated by the symbol.*****

ADDENDA, DOCUMENT NO.2

MAD 8475, P.44

Ayntep kadisina ve Ayntep Sancak Beyi kaim-mekami ve Aynteb Alti-boluk kethuda-yerine hukm-ki-

Hala Mosul kalesi tamiri icin kulli irgad lazim ve muhimm olmagin,Ayntep ve Kilis reayasi ve muaflarindan bilcumle 120 nefer irgat muaccelen ihrac ve ordu-i humayunuma irsal olmak fermanim olmustur. Buyurdum ki,hukm-i serifim vardikta bir an tevakkuf eylemeyip bilcumle Ayntep ve Kilis reayasindan ve muaflarindan ihraci fermanim olan ol mikdar irgatlari mezbur kulum mubasiret ile tacil ve ale'l-tecil ihrac ve yarar kefilleri aldiktan sonra kendileri ve kefillerini ale'l-esami defter edip,imzalayip ve muhurleyip irgatlari tamamen defteri ile mezbur kuluma teslim edip ordu-i humayunuma irsal ettiresiz ki ondan Mosula irsal oluna. Ve irgatlarin ucretleri ve nafakalari icin lazim gelen kifayet mikdari akce'yi yine r eaya'dan ve muaflar'dan tahsil ve kendiler teslim edip ve her nefer'e kacar akce verildigi destur-i ekrem musir-i mufahhem vezir-i azamim ve serdar-i secaat-siarim Husrev Pasa, adama Allahu teala iclalehu'ya arz ve ilam eyleyesiz. Ve bazi kimesneler biz avariz-i divaniye ve nuzul ve sair tekalif-i orfiye'den muaflariz deyu vermekte teallul ve behane ederler ise, zikr olunan kale memalik-i islamiye'nin dusman-i din-u devlet'den hifzi sedd-i sedid olmak icin tamiri fermanim olmustur deyu bu makule tekalif daima vakic olmayip ve din-u devlete tabi hususlara umumen reaya imdad-u muavenet ede gelmislerdir,sair reaya ile onlar dahi eda-i hizmet ettirip, kataen teallul ve behane ettirmeyesiz. el-hasil, husus-imezbur umur-i muhimme'nin ehemmindendir ona gore zikr olunan irgatlari ahsen tedbir ve tedarik ile ihrac ettirip zinhar avk'u ihmal eylemeyip ve bu bahane ile hizmet-i tam ile ve ahar vechile ziyade akce almakla hilaf-i emr-i serif reaya'yi teaddi-u tecavuz eylemeyeler ve ettirmeyesiz.Soyle ki, irgatlar ale'l-acle temamen ordu-i humayunuma erismeyip veyahud noksan uzere gonderele bir vech ile ozrunuz ve cevabiniz makbul-u mesmuc olmayip senki kadisin azl-u redd'e, ve siz ki kaim-mekam ve alti-boluk kethuda-yeri ukubet-u hakaret'e mustahakk olursuz.

ADDENDA, DOCUMENT NO.3

MAD 8475, P.85

Diyarbekir Defterdarina hukm ki

Hala muceddeden binasi ferman olunan Mosul kalesi icin dort kapisi cumle ser a pa demir kapla ve dort kapisi kalin cisr tahtalarindan ki her birinin dorder demir kusaklari ve birun demirleri olup ve her kapinin uzunu bes bucuk zira'dan bir karis mikdari, ve eni dahi dort bucuk zira'dan kezalik bir karis mikdari ihtimamen ziyade olup, ve dort demir kapla kapilarin okce demirleri ve taban demirleri kavi ve muhtem olup ve ekserileri ve mih basilari kalin ve yassi olup birun demirlerine olan ekserileri dirhem basi olup, ve dort tahta kapilarin dahi dorder kusaklari ve okce ve taban demirleri muhtem ve kavi olup ve kusaklarin mihlari ve mih basilari ayri olup, ve birun demirleri yine ayni mudevver olmak uzere seng kapi Diyarbekir'de islenmek lazim olmagin ol canib'de ustad demircileri getirip bu neccarlari Sirin-oglu mubasiretiyle getirtip zikr olunan kapilara ve ekserilerine ve kusaklarina ve okce ve taban demirlerine ve sair muhimmatina ne mikdar demir kifayet ederse Kigi'dan gelen demir'den ve kalin tahta ve cisirleri tedarik ve izhar ettirip ve neccarlari Sirin-oglu maarifetiyle kifayet miktari ustatlari getirtip, vech-i mesruh uzere kapilari ve demirleri isletirip, bilcumle hazir ettirdikten sonra muaccelen destur-i ekrem musir-i efhhem vezir-i azam ve serdar-i zafer-siarim(a) art ve ilam ettirilmek fermanim olmustur. Buyurdum ki, hukm-i serifimle vardikta bu babda sadr olan ferman-i celil al-kadrim uzere amel edip, dahi bir an ve bir saat tevakkuf-u terahhi eylemeyip, ustat demircileri ve neccarlari getirip, balada kayd olundugu uzere seng kapi'nin lazim gelen tahta ve cisirati ve tahta kaplanacak demirleri acele uzere tamam edip asla bir kusuru eylemeyip ancak kaplanacigindan gayri acele uzere Sirin-oglu ser-i kar bakila. Sag cisirlerden yondurup seng kapi hazir-i muheyya edip, ve kezalik dort kapi'nin kaplanacak demir tahtalarin ve ekserilerin ve burunlugu, dirhem basi ekserileri ve okceleri burunlugu soz olan dort kapinin dahi ekserileri ve burunluguna ayrica mudevver ekseri'den ve her birine dorder kusaklari Kigi'den gelen demir'den yaptirip, ta'cil uzere hazir-u muheyya edip,ordu-i humayunuma arz eyleyesin ki kira ile veya kelek ile Mosul'a irsal olunup onda mahallinde kaplanip, insallah teala yerlu yerine konulup itimam-i hizmet oluna. Husus-i mezbur umur-i muhimme'nin ehemminden, kapilarin lazim gelen tahta ve demirlerin ve ekserilerinin tedarikini ve ale'l-acele islendirilmesini zinhar bir vechiyle avk-u ihmal eylemeyip, ve demirci ve neccarlarin ucretleri icin lazim gelen akceleri Diyarbekirhazinesinden eshabina hakklarin bi-kusur verip, kimsenin bir akcesin ali kodurmayip muaccelen itmam-i hizmet ettirmekte mecd-u sai olasin___ bu bab'da hizmetleri zai olmayip riayet olunmasi mukarrerdir. Soyle bilesin

                                      fi 15 muharrem sene 1041

ADDENDA, DOCUMENT NO.4

TKS, Bagdat 207, folio 398a

Iòn this passage Hasanbeyzade gives his assessment of Husrev Pasa's performance as Grand Vezir,and the reasons for his replacement by Hafiz Ahmet Pasa who arrives in Diyarbekir on the 6th,of Sevval 1041/April27,1362,to take over the command of the army.

(Mosul kalesi binasina--- )
kale-i merkume'nin sulusu mikdari binasi icin Husrev Pasa ile Beylerbeysi Bekir Pasa Uskudar'dan beru cumle-i bilad-i meshure'den eger Misr ve Sam ve Haleb ve Erzerum ve Sivas ve Maras ve Batum eyaletleri reayasindan iki Misr hazinesi kadar mal almisken, ancak ol mikdarini yapip,sulusani asla yapmayip na-temam komuslardi.Merkum Murteza Pasa- - reaya ve be-reaya'dan bir akce ve habbe almayip, kendisi bizzat kalkan'ina tas doldurup, falak-i subh'dan gark -i zeval'a degin tasayip,agalarina dahi tasitmakla, sair nas-i hizmet istinas dahi gayrete gelip,tasimakta sai c-i bi kiyas ettiklerine binaen yapilmamis olan sulusan-i kale'yi dahi zaman-i kalil'de bina ve tekmil eyleyip, ve kapisini asip icine muhafizlarin doldurup, beylerbeyisine dahi hilat giydirip, itmam-i hizmet-u maslahat etmistir.

ADDENDA, DOCUMENT NO. 5

MAD 3458, p. 147

Van Beylerbeyisine hukm ki-
Bundan akdem kabza-i tasarruf'a gelen Revan kalesi kizilbas-i bed-maas kis eyyaminda gelip, siddet-i sita'da imdad'a mecal olmadigi ecilden hedem etmekle haliya gayret-i islam ve ila-i kelimat'ullah ve sunnet-i resul aleyhu al-selam, serait-i islamiyan olduguna binaen be inayet Allah tealla kale-i mezbure'nin muceddeden bina olunup icine mukemmel asker-i islam konmasi babinda Hat-i Humayun-i saadet-makrun ile ferman-zii al-san sadr olmagin evvel ki hali uzere el usurup yapilmasi icin kale-i mezbure'de muhre is islemege kadir ve sanaatinda mahir ustad benna lazim olup, eyalet-i Van'dan ve etraf'da muhre is islemege kadir olan ustadlardan 200 nefer ustad ile 600 nefer dahi irgad ucretleri ile bulunup izhar olunmalari levazime-i bina'dandir.Iòmdi, sen ki mir-i miransin zikr olunan muhreis islemegekadir ve bu sanaat'da mahir eyaletinizde ve etrafda bulunan yerlerde 200 nefer muhre duvar etmege mahir ustad benna'nin ucretleri icin her bir nefer'e bes gunde bir riyal gurusu ve 600 nefer irgad'in her birine on gunde bir riyal gurusu haliya hazine-i amiremden verilir. Cumlesi hazir-u amade, ettirmek emrim olmustur. Buyurdum ki, hukm-i serifimle vardikta, bir an te'hir eylemeyip dahi kale-i mezbure'nin binasi icin izhari fermanim olan muhre duvar binasina kadir ustad 200 nefer ve 600 nefer dahi irgadi eyaletinizde olan Ekrad umerasi davet edip, her biriniz taht-i livanizda olan ve eyaletinizde bulunan 200 nefer muhreci ustadlari ve 600 irgadi cem-u tedarik etmek icin her birine tenbih-u te'kid eyleyip, ucretleri icin muhre ustadlari her birine bes gunde birer riyal ve irgadlarin her bir neferine on gunde bir gurus hakklarin ,marife-i ser ile ucer aylik bakilerin hazine-i amirem'den irsal olunan gurus'dan eda eyledikten sonra her bir nefer'inin mahallarinda karar eylemek sartiyla yarar kefilleri olup, sicill ve huccet ettirip kendilerin sakin olduklari yerleri ve kefilleri yerlu ve yurdlu ve hin-i mucavib'de suala tahammul olur olup, haric ve na-bekar ve haymana irgad tutulmaktan itiraz eyleyesin ve insallah teala eyaletiniz askeri ile davet olundugun zamanda bunlarin cumlesi ba-hukm-i mualla alip getiresin ki be fazl'illlah teala bina-i kale'ye mubasiret olunup itmamima ihtimam oluna ve muhre duvar islemekte tayin olunan muhreci ustadlarin ve irgadlari taifesi ol caniblerde olan ehl-i vukuf'dan tecessus olundukta isledikleri eyyam'dan ucretleri bu minval uzere verildigi ihbar olunmagla ol mikdar gurus irsal olunmustur. Soyle ki ol diyar'da tayin olunan'dan ziyade ucret ile isledikleri vaki ise tamamen hazine-i amiremden tekmil olunur, verile-gelen ucretlerinden bir akce noksan verilmez. Bilmis olalar.
fi 15 Zilhicce, sene 1045